Build Back Better

Trump will be in Michigan today lying about his “successes” so I thought it would be a good time to revisit our trade/tariff policy discussion not on a (strictly) political basis but on a reality/policy basis. I’m not at all opposed to political hackism (just win!) but I think when Democrats and liberals talk among ourselves we should be rigorous and honest. The Right ended up where they are because they not only lie to the public, they lie to themselves. I suggest we don’t start doing that out of some misguided sense that it’s an “emergency” so we abandon all rigor and nuance and attention to policy and, you know, what has actually occurred.

Here’s Sherrod Brown talking about how we cannot return to the anti worker trade policy of the past.

 The president’s nonsensical tariff saga is unleashing economic chaos, hurting working people through canceled manufacturing projects, higher grocery prices and lost retirement savings. It is also pushing too many progressives to hop into bed with Wall Street and retreat to the old and disastrous corporate-centered way of thinking.

There is a third option: Embrace a trade policy that truly levels the playing field for workers.

Lost in the discussion of these tariffs is the reason corporations outsource jobs and the reason they lobbied so hard for “free” trade deals in the first place: They want to pay lower wages and fewer benefits to their workers and follow weaker environmental protections.

In that spirit, let’s look at former President Biden’s tariff policy as a possible template going forward because the truth is Biden dramatically changed the status quo on trade and tariffs, but in a GOOD way. Here’s a very good explanation of what a progressive trade policy might look like:

Biden, by contrast, while keeping in place some tariffs imposed by Trump, has operated from very different principles and deployed a much wider range of policies. Biden views trade policy as about more than the narrow, mercantilist measure of whether exports with any one country or another are greater than imports. He also views trade policy as part of a much larger suite of tools that governments should use to structure markets so they serve a broad range of public proposes, ranging from national security needs to the rights of labor and environmental protection. It’s an all-of-government approach that combines large public investments in key infrastructure and domestic industries with checks on monopolistic concentrations of political economic power, whether by foreign or domestic corporations or authoritarian governments. 

Biden and his advisers are not just concerned with how the old “free trade” regime shifted production away from the U.S. to wherever wages and regulatory standards were lowest. They are also focused on how it concentrated production geographically in ways that left supply chains vulnerable to shocks from pandemics, climate change, and armed conflict as well as to cornering by monopolistic corporations. And they are focused on making sure that trade policy not only serves the interests of American workers but also advances what Biden’s trade representative, Katherine Tai, provocatively calls a “postcolonial” phase, in which poorer nations share more high-value production and are not forced to earn their living through sweatshop labor. 

Taken together, these factors cause the Biden administration to conclude that we need policies that spread production to more places around the world, including but not limited to the United States. Unlike Trump, who focused on re-shoring production, Biden is more about what Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen calls “friend-shoring”—or shifting production away from excessive concentration in China and unstable, despotic countries and spreading it instead among a resilient network of allies who share our political values and market rules. 

Additionally, college-educated liberals need to let go of their cherished myth that trade issues only impact “white men”. It’s not true. That’s never been true in manufacturing and operates to erase Black working people, especially Black men:

Black people comprise a significant portion of U.S. manufacturing workers, including in certain geographic areas that are most exposed to trade flows. Black men and women have been particularly hurt by declines in manufacturing jobs resulting from trade. In many traditional manufacturing industries—ones that have been historically dominated by men—Black men increasingly were able to participate in high-paying jobs during the early and mid-20th century.6 Thus, when globalization took many of these jobs overseas, Black men were hit especially hard. Compared with their share in the labor force, Black workers are more likely than their white counterparts to be displaced due to trade

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